GIOVANNI SARTORI A TEORIA DA DEMOCRACIA REVISITADA PDF

16 set. Com base nas obras A teoria da democracia revisitada – o debate contemporâneo (Giovanni Sartori), Poliarquia: Participação e Oposição. A Teoria da Democracia Revisitada – Giovani Sartori. 5 likes. Book. From a contemporary point of view, within political science, reference may be made to the work of Giovanni Sartori, A Teoria da Democracia Revisitada, trans.

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The nested game model may help us out again in understanding the underlying logic behind this difference: Nonetheless this proviso, it is remarkable the difference between the fidelity of PMDB, which joined Lula’s coalition during 9and the parties that supported the president either in the first or second round.

Rio de Janeiro, Saraiva, vol. The number of “nested” arenas and the importance of specific games in each one of them are dependent not only on the content of the policy at issue, but also on the features pertaining eartori decision-making processes. For instance, the cancellation of individual retirement rights opens the way for judicial intervention. revlsitada

The reverse is represented by two factors which are, in the view of Figueiredo and Limongieresponsible for the striking demmocracia in performance between current Brazilian presidential system and its previous version in the former democratic period The proposal sent by the Chamber of Deputies was discussed for four months and ultimately passed in second round in December By his leadership in the Chamber of Deputies, eevisitada administration recommended voting against the fusion amendments 1 and 3, opposing also DVSs 7 and 9, both presented by the PFL.

Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press. In the case of social security reform, as emphasized by Figueiredo and Limongi and Melothis feasibility problem is further aggravated by at least two factors. Revlsitada, the distribution of actors across the solidarity and interest systems, within decision-making arenas, determined differences in the strategies available to government and opposition forces in the two periods examined, given the sweeping changes in resources and preferences caused by the elections.

These two steps bear clear continuity with one another, but giovajni mere need of another constitutional change, right after President Lula’s rise to power, shows how limited was Cardoso’s success in his dealings with the issue.

Even though a broad consensus had been built in Brazilian society concerning the inevitability of a reform, there were bitter controversies as to its extent, timing and on whom most costs should fall on. Such a strategy was not available for the administration in the first stage of the reform, once the tax reform had been taken out of the legislative agenda by the then president.

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Differently, the PC do B did not take sides in the issue of retiree’s contribution, freeing its deputies to vote as they wished. As we have already pointed out, the executive won all votes analyzed in this work. The most important vote took place on November 26 and etoria in the passage of the reform’s basic text. Ssartori causes may be highlighted to explain why the PT-led administration had so few confrontations on the floor.

Conjoined, these features form a landscape in which the president has enough resources to determine the agenda and the pace of proceedings within Congress, dx leaders can get their caucuses to behave in a cooperative and disciplined fashion, a fact that would minimize, if not nullify, the veto power of the legislative over executive’s actions. In this view, the two above-mentioned characteristics would be able to “shield” the national decision-making process, preventing or inhibiting tendencies prone to power dispersal.

As we showed in a previous section, the PFL split down the middle and, tellingly, where the party held governorships most deputies aligned themselves with the state government. Our argument stresses that the switch of places between government and opposition, a contextual change caused by the elections, greatly affected preferences, available resources and strategies, and the behavior of each revisitaca the main actors concerned. Afterwards, with the entry of Anthony Garotinho, a regional boss in Rio de Janeirothe party caucus grew again, although this did not have any favorable impact on the government’s position, since rwvisitada of the new members came from the ally PSB.

The president is left with the option of mobilizing resources available in other arenas, such as patronage and budgetary sartoir, through which he may signal to members of Congress with some “selective incentives” to cooperation.

Evidently, the more coincident are the electoral and governing coalitions the better is not only for political stability, but also for representation and accountability.

His parliamentary base of support only matches Cardoso’s base of support once PP votes are considered, but this party was not formally incorporated within the coalition and, as we will shortly see, displayed a highly undisciplined behavior.

The migratory flux towards pro-administration parties continued unabated inwhen 52 deputies were co-opted, especially by PTB and Democracla, against five that “deserted”.

The behavior of PT in regard to PEC 33 is easily accounted for by two variables, one of a programmatic nature teoris the other of a positional one. It is nonsensical therefore to explain the superior outcome of the reformist process under Lula from the formation of the governing coalition in Congress. However, the scenario would be entirely different had Lula been the democrzcia in In Brazilthe method by which decision-making bodies are formed is consistent with decentralization of power: Therefore the formation of a majority coalition occurs in two stages: Sartri dynamics at play is largely as follows: According to Nicolau In a letter addressed to the nation, the then presidential candidate proclaimed clearly that, once in power, he would not launch the country in heterodox adventures in the economy, and would govern for all Brazilians, not only for his base of consistent supporters.

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Theory and evidence from the Brazilian case”.

Social security reform in two stages

It may be supposed that any alignment of PFL with the PT-led government would damage much more its image than the movement towards more substantive policy positions. It proposes, among other points, the alteration of criteria for full pensions in the case of current servants, the possibility that each additional year of contribution could reduce the equivalent in the minimum age and the continuance of full parity for future pensioners who fulfill the requisites for full pensions.

The rise to power and the ensuing adoption of a reformist agenda caused a shock in the party’s cohesion, forcing it to resort to the available disciplinary tools. This reviwitada, organized by the federal executive, contributed greatly for the president to succeed in achieving, since the PECs first presentation to Congress, unrestricted support of all governors regardless of their party affiliation.

Throughout the first round of the reform under Cardoso, this was the principal strategy used by opposition parties. After an eventful passage democraciw the Chamber of Deputies and a partial reconstruction in the Federal Senate, the proposal was finally passed in the former house in December The two stages of social security reform analyzed in this article share all the features of discontinuous decision-making settings discussed above.